Snehangshu Majumdar
The resurgence of anti-Marwari sentiment in Congress-ruled Telangana has brought long-standing social and economic tensions back into the spotlight. While resentment against the Marwari trading community has historically existed among sections of local business groups, particularly the Arya Vysyas, it has gained renewed momentum following a recent altercation at Secunderabad’s Monda Market. What began as a dispute over vehicle parking between a group of Dalit youth and Marwari traders last month quickly escalated into a larger controversy, sparking protests, calls for a state-wide bandh, and raising questions about identity, livelihood, and communal harmony in Telangana.
While the agitation appears to stem from local trader rivalries and cultural anxieties, political insiders suggest that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) may be quietly amplifying these tensions. Despite its pro-trader image, the BJP has historically had a complex relationship with Marwaris, often sidelining them in its organizational structure. By contrast, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), once viewed as the natural “Marwari party” owing to its support base among Delhi’s trading community, has been left weakened after its recent electoral setbacks. With AAP’s decline, the political mantle of Marwari influence has shifted eastward, where Kolkata’s business elite have thrown their weight behind Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC). Marwari financiers in Bengal are now seen as instrumental in funding TMC’s attempts to expand into states like Goa, filling the vacuum of representation for the community at the national level.
The recent defeat of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Delhi in 2025 is being read by some observers as more than just an electoral outcome—it is seen as the repetition of a deeper historical pattern. To many in the trading community, AAP had long functioned as the natural “Marwari party,” rooted in Delhi’s bazaars and supported by the traditional mercantile class. But with BJP’s victory, that legacy seems broken. Historically, Marwaris and Gujaratis have been economic and cultural rivals, their contest shaping trade networks across northern and western India. In political allegory, BJP is often cast as a Gujarati-dominated party, while Marwaris are represented by smaller outfits like AAP. The Delhi result thus resembles a turning of the wheel: just as the defeat of the Suri dynasty by the Mughals marked the ascendancy of one empire over another, the eclipse of AAP by BJP signifies a larger shift—from Marwari influence to Gujarati dominance in India’s political economy.
After AAP’s eclipse in Delhi, the Marwaris’ political base has shrunk to a single stronghold: Kolkata. Much like the Pathans who, after losing Delhi, clung to eastern India before eventually fading from the subcontinent’s political map, today’s Marwaris find themselves relying on Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) as their last vehicle of influence. In this sense, TMC has become the “Mawra party,” backed by Kolkata’s business elite, who fund its ventures beyond Bengal, from Goa to Tripura. Yet, history warns that such bastions rarely last. Just as the Pathans gradually ceded their eastern foothold, the Marwari presence in Kolkata may wane over the next two decades, forcing the community to shift its political-economic base further down, into Odisha. In the meantime, Marwari capital increasingly functions like a mercenary force—serving Bengali ambitions of national expansion, while the community itself remains politically homeless.
Critics might ask: if anti-Marwari sentiment is flaring in Congress-ruled Telangana, why bring the BJP into the frame at all? The answer lies in the peculiar structure of Indian politics, where very few mass agitations take shape without the tacit blessing of established parties. In the south, the Congress does not truly function as an extension of the central command; rather, it operates as a regional force that often moves independently. This independence, however, has turned into convenient cover for the BJP. Many argue that the South Indian Congress is little more than a stooge of the BJP, wearing the veil of the Congress name to preserve the illusion of democracy. By maintaining multiple party banners, the ruling establishment projects a façade of political diversity while pursuing a coordinated strategy. In this case, the BJP—dominated by Gujarati interests—has no desire to be publicly branded “anti-Marwari.” Instead, it orchestrates the pressure indirectly, letting its southern Congress proxies execute the agitation under a different banner. The Telangana unrest, therefore, is less a grassroots rebellion and more a carefully managed drama, staged by Congress in appearance but scripted by the BJP in intent.
Another dimension to this story lies in Bengal, where a surge of unionist Bengali nationalism has been visible since 2018, championed by forces like Trinamool Congress (TMC) and cultural groups such as Bangla Pokkho. What is less openly acknowledged, however, is the role of Marwari capital in sustaining this movement. Facing increasing pressure from Gujarati-dominated BJP at the national level, Marwaris have sought shelter in Bengal, seeing in TMC not just a political ally but also a protective shield for their economic interests. The funding of Bengali nationalism, therefore, is less an act of ideological conviction and more a survival strategy. For the Marwaris, aligning with Bengali identity politics serves a dual purpose: it strengthens a regional counterweight to Gujarati hegemony, and it secures their place in a state where they still command economic influence. In this sense, Marwari support for TMC and its cultural allies is akin to hiring mercenaries—backing a powerful regional force in the hope that it will defend their last bastion, even as the larger political tide moves against them.
About the Author
Mr. Snehangshu Majumdar, M.Sc., is a military heritage enthusiast and political analyst with a focus on the intersections of history, identity, and contemporary geopolitics. He is the founder of Gaudiya Warriors, a historical research think tank dedicated to exploring Bengalee military traditions, cultural legacies, and the political undercurrents shaping the region today.
